The Gatekeepers Film Review: Israeli Security Chiefs Condemn the Occupation

In The Gatekeepers, the ex-directors of Shin Bet, Israel’s internal security agency, condemn 45 years of Israeli state policy and military actions in the West Bank and Gaza. The documentary by Israeli filmmaker Dror Moreh begins in 1967, as Israel won the Six Day War and started its occupation of the Palestinian territories. Shin Bet, the internal counterpart to the Israeli spy agency Mossad, is responsible for state security, including surveillance and control of Palestinians in the Occupied Territories. There are six living ex-directors of Shin Bet, and all participated in the film.

In speaking of their tenure at the agency, the six men describe the state’s culpability in the deteriorating security conditions for Israel and Palestine. The strength of the film is the directors’ candour in criticizing Israel’s prime ministers, past and present, for the ongoing occupation and in describing the suffering for Palestinians living under Israeli control, including the massive scale of preemptive arrests, curfews, interrogations and other security measures. This is supported by archival film footage of hundreds of men and boys being arrested or detained – some in their underwear, many handcuffed, all appearing humiliated by their situations.

The directors of Shin Bet also blame Jewish settlers – their provocations, plots, political influence and violence – for deteriorating state security. The film includes footage of settlers protesting in support of extreme right-wing politics. This extremism includes the plot by the Jewish Underground to blow up the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem to stop peace talks between Israel and Egypt and the assassination of prime minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1995.

Far-right extremism is described in the film as the biggest obstacle to a Palestinian state and to long-term peace for Israel. B’Tselem, the Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, reports that there are more than 500,000 settlers living in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and that Israeli governments have had a systematic policy to encourage Jewish migration to the West Bank. The Jewish settlers are privileged by living in the Occupied Territories with all the rights of Israeli citizens, exempt from the system of military law that applied to their Palestinian neighbours.

In an interview with Democracy Now, Moreh said that before 1984, few Israelis even knew that Shin Bet existed and that it had the authority to kill suspected terrorists. In 1984, Shin Bet director Avraham Shalom ordered the execution of two prisoners, following the hijacking of an Israeli bus. Shalom, one of the directors who participated in the film, had to resign when photographs of the executions where made public. In the film’s interviews, the directors who came after Shalom are critical of the actions of the role of Shin Bet, the prime minister and Israeli Cabinet in authorizing the killing of captured prisoners. However, this is contrasted later in the film by the 2002 assassination of Hamas’s Salah Shedadeh in Gaza by aerial bombing, an action that killed at least 11 civilians and wounded dozens more. Shalom compares this action to the 2008 U.S. air strike in Afghanistan that killed 47 civilians on their way to a wedding and questions the morality of current anti-terrorism airstrikes.

The Gatekeepers opened in Israel on December 27, but prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu has said that he will not watch it. The film won a Los Angeles Film Critics Association award and was nominated for an Oscar for best documentary.

 

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Bullying, Homophobia and Private Schools

It’s 2013, yet Manitoba private schools are organizing against provincial anti-bullying laws. The Public Schools Amendment Act (Safe and Inclusive Schools), expected to be law by the 2013-14 school year, defines bullying and requires schools to accommodate students who want to start anti-bullying student groups, including a gay-straight alliance. This is too much for some private religious schools, including Steinbach Christian High School (SCHS).

In its Bill 18 newsletter, SCHS claims that the new laws will “privilege some students while excluding others.” In fact, it does the opposite. All students will have the right to create anti-bullying groups that foster awareness and understanding. No school will be able to use religion as an excuse to ban an anti-bullying group that its students want to organize, such as a gay-straight alliance or similar groups that promote respect for people of all sexual orientations and gender identities.

SCHS says that parents send their children to independent schools with the expectation of certain values and principles being upheld. But, the Province of Manitoba’s school standards supersede parental values or expectations. The provincial government regulates all schools, funded and not, to ensure that children are receiving an education that is at least equivalent in quality to that of public schools. Children receive a higher-quality education when they are better protected against bullying of all forms, including homophobia. In Manitoba, private schools do not have the right to choose lower standards for their students.

This bill does not prevent students and their families from practicing their religion of choice. What it does is enhance efforts to ban all homophobic religious doctrine from elementary and secondary schools, while mandating institutional support for students who ask for help in fighting homophobia in their schools. The reaction of provincially-funded private schools like SCHS to these measures provides an opportunity to reconsider why any public funds are going towards these institutions.

Recommended reading: MTS president responds to criticism of provincial anti-bullying efforts

 

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Uncertain Future for the Prairie Community Pastures

In its 2012 budget, the federal Conservative government divested from 2.3 million acres of native grasslands. The 87 community pastures, in Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta, were created in 1935 under the Prairie Farm Rehabilitation Act, to protect native grassland and to rehabilitate land that had been destroyed during the Dust Bowl and through over-grazing. The federal government admits that the Prairie Farm Rehabilitation Administration has met its original goal, “having returned more than 145,000 hectares of poor-quality cultivated lands to grass cover, significantly improving the ecological value of these lands and helping to increase the productivity of the area.”

Successful rehabilitation of the land is why the federal government should continue to manage the land, rather than go ahead with the current divestment scheme. Prairie grassland, if left unprotected, will once again be threatened by over-grazing and cultivation, and may face new threats from industrial development, including the oil and gas industry. But over the next six years, the land will be transferred to provincial control and then, for some of the pastures, to private buyers. In Saskatchewan, the provincial government has said that the land will be sold at ‘market values’ based on recommendations from an advisory committee of cattle producers and other industry representatives and then, obfuscating conventional understanding of market land values, the same government says that the land will not be sold to the highest bidder.

In Manitoba, 24 community pastures will revert to provincial control by 2018. The provincial government, which has been surprisingly quiet on this issue, has not made a public promise to protect the community pastures for all citizens. Last year, the Manitoba Beef Producers created a non-profit entity, the Association of Manitoba Community Pastures, that has provincial authority to manage at least ten of the pastures. But there is no long-term guarantee that a non-profit industry organization or a cash-strapped provincial government won’t sell the land in the future.

And it’s not just beef producers that have a stake in the land. Saskatchewan First Nations are interested in the federal pastures as a means of resolving outstanding land entitlement claims with the government. In Manitoba, the Métis community of Ste. Madeleine was destroyed in 1935 to create one of the pastures, with no financial compensation to Métis farmers. In his recent book The Inconvenient Indian, Thomas King states that Métis farmers in Ste. Madeleine had worked the land since 1900 but were still considered squatters and did not have the same legal standing of white farmers who were compensated for loss of land.

In an interview with Mud and Water Radio, Marianne Hladun of the Public Service Alliance of Canada said that federal government should be consulting with First or Métis Nations before the land is sold to any investors. Download the complete interview with Marianne Hladun.

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Canada’s New Immigrant Class: Friends of Venture Capitalists

Last Friday, the Canadian government announced a new class of immigrants.  As of April 1, 2013, immigrant entrepreneurs who have obtained “the support of a Canadian angel investor group or venture capital fund” can come to Canada through the Start-Up Visa Program. It’s a five-year pilot project, initially with up to 2,750 visas. The full eligibility criteria will not be available until this spring.

While the federal government is increasing barriers for many would-be applicants with working class Canadian relatives, it has offered an open door for fast-tracked residency to people with wealthy friends and connections. Immigration minister Jason Kenney said that venture capitalists who manage at least $40 million in assets will automatically qualify to sponsor an entrepreneur. In contrast, the federal government announced in 2011 that no immigration applications would be accepted from the parents or grandparents of Canadian citizens.

The Start-Up Visa Program was created as a possible replacement of the Federal Entrepreneur Program, which has had a moratorium on applications since 2011. One of the problems with the former program, according to the Conservative government, is that it allowed applicants to invest in smaller, safer businesses, like a restaurant or store.

 

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Environmental Activism in Manitoba

In 2012, a challenging year for environmentalists across Canada, Manitoba activists mobilized on federal, provincial and local environmental issues. A federal decision to close the Experimental Lakes Area in northwestern Ontario raised new concerns about the suppression of science for political purposes. This along with a decision to eliminate most federal environmental assessments, while suppressing groups that speak out against government policies, led to a series of nation-wide Black Out Speak Out protests in June 2012.

The Manitoba government went back on an earlier commitment to ban peat mining along Lake Winnipeg, which they had promised because of concerns about the negative impact of mining on climate change and water quality. A proposed peat mine license in Hecla/Grindstone Provincial Park was opposed by a broad coalition of environmentalists, First Nations, local residents and concerned citizens. This raised important questions on mining and other economic development activities in Manitoba parks.

In 2012, the Manitoba government launched a provincial consultation on the environment, including discussion on how cosmetic pesticides should be regulated. Against a million dollar campaign by the pesticide industry, Manitoba activists rallied thousands of people to participate in the consultation, with over 30 health, labour and environmental groups signing on for a ban on cosmetic pesticides.

In 2012, Mud and Water Radio spoke with Eric Reder from the Wilderness Committee on peat mining and provincial parks, Matt Martens on the Experimental Lakes Area, and Cathy Hellsten and Anne Lindsey on cosmetic pesticides. We also talked about greenhouse gas emissions, greener budgets, greener birth control and public transit.

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Harper’s War on Nature

The past six years of federal Conservative government have transformed Canada in profound ways. Our social safety net, the rights of workers and the very institutions of our democracy have all come under attack by Stephen Harper. In all these arenas, the Prime Minister is succeeding in his promise to remodel Canada in a conservative image, expunging its “Northern European Welfare state” elements. Most dangerous of all, he has pitted Canada’s prosperity as dependent on an ongoing war against nature, one which all citizens are sure to lose.

Global Environmental Crisis

It is important to acknowledge that there is a global environmental crisis. Loss of biodiversity, global warming, and resource shortages, including basic essentials such as water and food, will pose an unsupportable burden to future generations, unless we change course. It is not alarmist to say that environmental catastrophe threatens to tear apart the fabric of social life in the coming decades. Many scientists and policy makers view this as the biggest challenge our civilization has faced since the Second World War.

In 2007, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change brought together the expert opinion of 2,500 scientists from 130 countries to examine the likely effects of climate change. They found that unless we are able to slow down greenhouse gas emissions to keep global temperatures from rising:

“Climate change is likely to lead to some irreversible impacts … As global average temperature increase exceeds about 3.5°C, model projections suggest significant extinctions (40 to 70% of species assessed) around the globe.”

We now know their estimates of the rate of climate change were overly conservative. Arctic sea ice, for example, is melting 30 to 50 years ahead of schedule.

Also in 2007, a group of US generals released a report titled National Security and the Threat of Climate Change. The report warned that global warming could cause political upheaval and failed states. “The chaos that results can be an incubator of civil strife, genocide, and the growth of terrorism.” A 2003 Pentagon report delivered an even more stark assessment: “Disruption and conflict will be endemic features of life, … once again, warfare would define human life.”

This is the context Stephen Harper inherited when he became Prime Minister in 2006. It is a situation that governments of all political leanings around the world over a number of decades have fostered, so no one party owns this crisis. The question is, how has Harper reacted to this crisis and confronted it?

Canada – the Fossil Power?

Since 2006 Canada has taken significant steps backwards in environmental protection. And with each step backwards, the government has used the full weight of its power, not to regulate industry or protect the environment and Canadians but to demonize environmentalists.

Since coming to power, Stephen Harper has been single minded in expanding petroleum and resource extraction to the detriment of other economic or social policy goals. His stated aim has been to make Canada an “Energy Superpower.” Alberta-based sociologist Gordon Laxer has criticized this claim pointing out that superpowers are entities that project economic, political, and cultural power on a global scale. Under the Harper government, Canada is becoming a resource satellite, increasing dependent on the United States and on the petrochemical corporations that set his agenda. To satisfy these interests, Harper is systematically dismantling the progress of previous decades.

Last December, scientists, environmentalists, heads of state and officials from 195 countries gathered in Durban, South Africa to negotiate a follow up treaty to the Kyoto Protocol. In the Durban International Convention Centre delegates stayed up 60 hours straight negotiating to save session. Rather than taking leadership, Harper sent Environment Minister Peter Kent to try to disrupt the talks by announcing on the very eve of negotiations that Canada would be the first country in history to withdraw from the Kyoto Protocol.  So much for our international power projection.

Read also: Enbridge, Harper and the Canadian Petro-State

Killing Environmental Assessments

The second arena in which Canada’s environmental reputation has been shattered in recent years is the area of environmental assessments. Canadians have worked hard to develop standards for assessing how industrial projects impact the environment. Gradually over the past 30 years we have come to realize that if we do not draw on the perspectives and expertise of the communities who will be most affected by new industrial developments, we risk making mistakes that will be impossible for future generations to rectify. Our assessment process has improved to consider aspects such as the cumulative impact of numerous projects in a region. Over the past decade, there has been an increased respect to our constitutional duties to consult with First Nations and Aboriginal peoples who will be affects by projects, and there has been an increased awareness of the precautionary principle, that we should not rush ahead with projects whose long-term impacts are unknown especially when these projects have the capacity to have devastating irredeemable effects of human health and the environment.

Read: Checklist for strong environmental laws (West Coast Environmental Law).

Unfortunately, all these principles come into conflict with the unrestrained development of Stephen Harper’s favorite industrial project – the Alberta Tar sands. Cumulative impact is an understatement when describing a series of industrial developments that plan to literally unearth an area of the boreal forest the size of Florida. We can have no concern for future generations if we are to prioritize the maximization profits over all else. In other words, the unrestricted development of the tar sands makes a mockery of existing environmental assessment legislation.

With this in mind, Stephen Harper has systematically dismantled environmental assessments over the past several budgets.

The cap on this process has been the elimination of the Navigable Waters Protection Act. Here, we are not just going back on institutions that date from the 1960s. We are tearing apart legislation that goes back to the 1880s, some of the earliest legislation our country has for protecting the environment.

Hidden away in the massive omnibus budget implementation bill is legislation that redefines navigable waters, to no longer protect the water, but rather only navigation. Only a handful of lakes and rivers, largely in Conservative ridings, will be protected; 99 percent of water ways in Canada will not. The Minister will no longer automatically be required to look into projects such as bridges and damns that by their nature have effects on water ways. Significantly, pipelines are exempt from consideration or protection. Canada is going back to the nineteenth century in environmental protection.

Harper vs. Science

The third front in Harper’s war on the environment has been waged against science. Evidence that undermines his agenda is not merely disregarded. It is defunded, censored and slandered. This process was first experienced early on in the Harper administration. Scientists work has long depended on open access and freedom. Government scientists were muzzled, prevented from speaking to media or the public about their work and shadowed by political scrutiny never before seen in Canada.

Over the past 44 years, Canada has been at the forefront of whole eco-system aquatic research. The gem of Canada’s water research program has been the Experimental Lakes Area of Northwestern Ontario. Last spring, the federal government announced that for saving 2 million dollars per year, that would cancel the program and close down this world class facility.

This unique region contains 58 lakes in a relatively pristine environment in the Great Canadian Shield region. Remarkably this region is within easy reach of major universities. Scientist have been able to conduct research that would not be possible anywhere else in the world, because they are able to conduct experiments on a large scale.

Since the 1960’s scientist have used the facility to make major breakthroughs in numerous fields. It was by using the ELA that scientists such as David Schindler discovered the role that phosphorous plays in creating toxic algae blooms of the sort that have plagued Lake Winnipeg in recent years. The ELA were essential for determining the effects of acid rain. When Harper announced the cuts last spring, there was ongoing research into topics including the effects of nanotechnology – we may want to know what those chemicals that make anti-bacterial free socks do to the fish and other organisms in our lakes and rivers – and also was conducting research on the effects of US coal regulations. These are crucial areas of applied and basic research that will be lost, not for any substantial savings, but for what amounts to an ideological disregard for science.

Across the scientific community, researchers are standing up to Harper’s agenda. Even the prestigious journal Nature has weighed in with an editorial last summer. About Harper’s cuts to science they wrote:

“Governments come and go, but scientific expertise and experience cannot be chopped and changed as the mood suits and still be expected to function. Nor can applied research thrive when basic research is struggling.”

Harper’s war on Nature cannot be won. It is the very definition of hubris, and will surely result in tragedy.  The only question will be how far we let his own downfall bring the rest of us down with him.

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City of Winnipeg neglects downtown recreation facility

On November 29, the City of Winnipeg closed Sherbrook Pool, following a city inspection. There is no information on why the downtown pool closed or when it will reopen. Community swimmers, including 130 kids enrolled in free lessons through the Kid Swim program, want back in the water as soon as possible. The nearest facility, Cindy Klassen Recreation Complex, is more than two kilometers away and may be inaccessible to many inner-city families because of distance and cost.

Sherbrook Pool is at 381 Sherbrook Street, just north of Portage Avenue. It was the third public pool built in Winnipeg and the oldest one still standing. According to a 2001 report of the City of Winnipeg Historical Building Committee, the building is one of the few examples of Art Deco style in Winnipeg. Moreover, this report also states that “this building is an extremely busy facility, and has been offering swimming lessons and recreational opportunities to many local residents and people from all over the city for over 70 years.”

The 2009 report Winnipeg’s Best Kept Secret: A Community Development Vision for Sherbrook Pool, published by the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, describes the unique programs and services provided at the pool, including the Sherbrook Sharks Swim Club, weekly blocks of free swim time, water polo and, because of the warmer water in the pool, therapeutic aqua programs.

In 1992, Friends of Sherbrook Pool was formed to ensure the sustainability of the pool. The community organization successfully lobbied for capital funding to renovate and refurbish the facility. However, of the $1.2 million approved by Winnipeg city council for the project, only $500,000 has been spent. The CCPA report says that the remaining funds appeared to have been diverted elsewhere, possibly toward the development of a private water park.

Rather than chasing pipe dreams of private splash pads, the City of Winnipeg needs to invest in improving existing municipal recreation facilities, especially its one remaining indoor pool in the city centre. Along with inner-city residents, people who work and visit downtown benefit from high-quality, accessible downtown recreation facilities. Sherbrook Pool has been neglected for too long. It’s time for the city to reopen and refurbish the pool.

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